FRANCIS A. BOYLE is a leading American expert in international law. He was responsible
    for drafting the Biological Weapons Anti-Terrorism Act of 1989, the American
    implementing legislation for the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention. He served on the
    Board of Directors of Amnesty International (1988-1992), and represented Bosnia-
    Herzegovina at the World Court. He served as legal adviser to the Palestinian Delegation
    to the Middle East peace negotiations from 1991 to 1993. In 2007, he delivered the
    Bertrand Russell Peace Lectures. Professor Boyle teaches international law at the
    University of Illinois, Champaign and is author of, inter alia, The Future of International
    Law and American Foreign Policy, Foundations of World Order, The Criminality of Nuclear
    Deterrence, Palestine, Palestinians and International Law, Destroying World Order,
    Biowarfare & Terrorism,  Tackling America’s Toughest Questions, The Tamil Genocide by
    Sri Lanka and The Palestinian Right of Return Under International Law.  He holds a
    Doctor of Law Magna Cum Laude as well as a Ph.D. in Political Science, both from
    Harvard University.


Francis A. Boyle

ISBN: 978-0-9853353-7-3
$18.95 /  pp.212 / 2013



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    Chapter 1.
    Using International Law to Analyze American
    Foreign Policy Decision-Making.

    Chapter 2.
    The Confrontation Between the Reagan
    Administration and Libya
    over the Gulf of Sidra and Terrorism

    Chapter 3.
    The Reagan Administration’s Criminal Bombings
    of Tripoli and Benghazi

    Chapter 4.
    Resolving the Lockerbie Dispute by Means of
    International Law.

    Chapter 5.
    Responsibility to Protect (R2P) versus
    International Law.

    Chapter 6.
    The 2011 U.S./NATO War Against Libya.



    It took three decades for the United States
    government—spanning and working assiduously over
    five different presidential administrations (Reagan,
    Bush I, Clinton, Bush II , and Obama)—to terminate the
    1969 Qaddafi Revolution, seize control over Libya’s oil
    fields, and dismantle its Jamahiriya system. This book
    tells the story of what happened, why it happened, and
    what was both wrong and illegal with that from the
    perspective of an international law professor and
    lawyer who tried for over three decades to stop it.

    Francis Boyle provides a comprehensive history and
    critique of American foreign policy toward Libya from
    when the Reagan administration came to power in
    January of 1981 up to the 2011 NATO war on Libya that
    ultimately achieved the US goal of regime change, and

    He sets the record straight on the series of military
    conflicts and crises between the United States and
    Libya over the Gulf of Sidra, exposing the Reagan
    administration’s fraudulent claims of Libyan instigation
    of international terrorism put forward over his eight
    years in office.

    Boyle reveals the inside story behind the Lockerbie
    bombing cases against the United States and the
    United Kingdom that he filed at the World Court for
    Colonel Qaddafi acting upon his advice—and the
    unjust resolution of those disputes.

    Deploying standard criteria of international law, Boyle
    analyzes and debunks the UN R2P “responsibility to
    protect” doctrine and its immediate predecessor,
    “humanitarian intervention”. He addresses how R2P
    served as the basis for the NATO assault on Libya in
    2011, overriding the UN Charter commitment to
    state sovereignty and prevention of aggression. The
    purported NATO protection in actuality led to 50,000
    Libyan casualties, and the complete breakdown of law
    and order. And this is just the beginning. Boyle lays out
    the ramifications: the destabilization of the Maghreb
    and Sahel, and the French intervention in Mali—with
    the USA/NATO/Europe starting a new imperial scramble
    for the natural resources of Africa.

    This book is not only a classic case study of the
    conduct of US foreign policy as it relates to
    international law, but a damning indictment of the
    newly-contrived R2P doctrine as legal cover for
    Western intervention into third world countries.


    I have unique experience in Libya. To the best of my knowledge, during the
    1980s I was the only American professor to spend time in Libya because of
    the serial armed hostilities and the imposition of draconian travel prohibitions
    and economic sanctions inflicted by the Reagan administration. I spent a sum
    total of four weeks in Libya on three different trips there during that decade.

    In 1985 Libya invited me to conduct a two-week lecture tour and visit of that
    country. I lectured at universities in Tripoli and Benghazi. I also lectured live
    on Libyan national television from their studio in Tripoli, and some of my
    public lectures were broadcasted by Libyan television.

    During my first trip to Libya, I spent an entire day visiting their museum
    dedicated to the documentation of the Italian Holocaust that was perpetrated
    upon them. In 1911 Italy attacked and invaded the territory we now call Libya
    and proceeded to occupy it until near the end of the Second World War.
    During this period of time, Italy exterminated about 100,000 Libyans, nearly
    one-third of its population. These victims included the Italian murder of Libya’s
    acclaimed national liberation hero and martyr Omar Muktar.

    At their request, I would later advise Libya on how to sue Italy over their
    colonization and outright genocide against the Libyans. Protracted
    negotiations between Libya and Italy eventually led to a settlement of those
    claims that was concluded between Colonel Qaddafi and Prime Minister Sylvio
    Berlusconi in 2008 providing for a $5 billion dollar compensation package to
    be transferred to Libya over twenty years. But that agreement was
    treacherously repudiated by Berlusconi during the course of his 2011 war
    against Libya. Berlusconi’s illegal and despicable act re-opened Libya’s
    claims for colonization and genocide against Italy.

    During my first trip to Libya, I was surprised to see women free and
    empowered to do anything they wanted all over the country. I asked my
    government-provided translator about this: “Qaddafi decreed that women are
    equal to men. The old men don’t like it. But there is nothing they can do about
    it.” As I can attest from my three trips to Libya, under Qaddafi women held up
    half the sky in that country. I doubt very seriously that the 2011 US/NATO war
    will advance the cause of women in Libya. Indeed, Libyan women could very
    well retrogress from Qaddafi’s days.

    In 1987 I returned to Libya for another two weeks after the Reagan
    administration had bombed Tripoli and Benghazi in 1986 and attempted to
    murder the entire Qaddafi family sleeping in their home at night. I visited all
    the bombing sites in the Metropolitan Tripoli area and had a tour of the
    bombed out Qaddafi home. I then had a meeting with Colonel Qaddafi in his
    tent where we discussed what happened to him and his family on the night of
    the bombing. Qaddafi was a Bedouin from the desert, so he liked to meet
    guests and conduct business in a pitched tent.
    At the end of that meeting I agreed with Colonel Qaddafi to work with former U.
    S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark on filing lawsuits in United States federal
    courts over the bombings against President Reagan, Secretary of Defense
    Weinberger Director of the C.I.A. Casey, the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, the U.
    S. Commander of NATO, the Commander of the U.S. Sixth Fleet, and U.K.
    Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher -- who gave permission to Reagan to use a
    U.K. base where U.S. bombers were stationed to bomb Libya -- together with
    suing both the United States and the United Kingdom. We lost. Two lawyers
    against two empires.

    In June of 1988 I returned to Libya as their guest in order to attend the
    session of their Basic Popular Congress meeting in Beida for the adoption of
    the Great Green Charter for Peace and Human Rights. Interestingly enough,
    Colonel Qaddafi proposed to abolish the death penalty for Libya. But the
    Basic Popular Congress rejected his humanitarian initiative: Democracy in
    action! While there I also provided commentary to C.B.S. Evening News about
    what precisely was going on and its significance.

    Over the years, I would routinely give interviews to Western news media
    sources about Libya and the prospects for the United States government to
    overthrow Colonel Qaddafi. I always pointed out that the American
    government should be careful of what it wished for: Instead of installing a C.I.
    A. stooge, the United States could get an “Ayatollah” sitting on top of Libya’s
    oil fields and occupying that strategic piece of real estate in North Africa and
    on the southern rim of the Mediterranean right next to Egypt. Colonel Qaddafi’
    s foremost opponents had always been Libya’s Muslim fundamentalists who
    detested him for (1) his secular-nationalist rule deliberately modeled upon his
    hero and role model, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser; (2) his liberation and
    empowerment of Libyan women; and (3) Qaddafi’s Green Book that tried to
    carve-out a third way between capitalism and communism that was consistent
    with Islam, but which they nevertheless considered to be heretical. For the
    most part, Libyans constitute a devout but moderate Sunni Muslim population.
    Yet in order to overthrow Qaddafi in 2011, the U.S. and NATO states worked
    hand-in-glove with Libyan and foreign Muslim fundamentalists including
    elements of Al Qaeda. Iran on the Med, anyone?

    After the Bush Senior administration came to power, in late 1991 they
    opportunistically accused Libya of somehow being behind the 1988 bombing
    of the Pan American jet over Lockerbie, Scotland. I advised Libya on this
    matter from the very outset. Indeed, prior thereto I had predicted to Libya that
    they were going to be used by the United States government as a convenient
    scapegoat over Lockerbie for geopolitical reasons.

    Publicly sensationalizing these allegations, in early 1992 President Bush
    Senior then mobilized the U.S. Sixth Fleet off the coast of Libya on hostile
    aerial and naval maneuvers in preparation for yet another military attack
    exactly as the Reagan administration had done repeatedly throughout the
    1980s. I convinced Colonel Qaddafi to let us sue the United States and the
    United Kingdom at the International Court of Justice in The Hague over the
    Lockerbie bombing allegations; to convene an emergency meeting of the
    World Court; and to request the Court to issue the international equivalent of
    temporary restraining orders against the United States and the United
    Kingdom that they not attack Libya again as they had done before. After we
    had filed these two World Court lawsuits, President Bush Senior ordered the
    Sixth Fleet to stand down. There was no military conflict between the United
    States and Libya. There was no war. No one died. A tribute to international
    law, the World Court, and their capacity for the peaceful settlement of
    international disputes.
On October 10, 2012,
the Arab-American Bar
Association of Illinois gave
its 2012 Outstanding
Achievement Award to
Francis A. Boyle: “In
Recognition of his Service
to International Law.”

“Let the free people of the world know that
we could have bargained over and sold out
our cause in return for a personal secure and
stable life. We received many offers to this
effect but we chose to be at the vanguard of
the confrontation as a badge of duty and
honour. Even if we do not win immediately,
we will give a lesson to future generations
that choosing to protect the nation is an
honour and selling it out is the greatest
betrayal that history will remember forever
despite the attempts of the others to tell you

   Muammar Qaddafi*

“Qaddafi website publishes ‘last will’ of Libyan ex-leader”, BBC News,
23/10/2011 <>